Over the coming year, poll-bound West Bengal is set to witness an unprecedented 300 or more Hindu religious events, ostensibly to commemorate the centenary of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). But political watchers also see behind this itinerary a saffron camp strategy to polarise voters.
Adding to the ideological weight of these events is the planned participation of high-profile Hindu religious figures, some of whom are no strangers to controversy. Among them is Dhirendra Krishna Shastri, who heads the Bageshwar Dham in Madhya Pradesh and has made headlines for sermons allegedly laced with majoritarian overtones.
According to BJP insiders, Shastri is likely to visit the Basirhat Lok Sabha constituency in the coming months. Basirhat, with its overwhelming Muslim majority and current representation by the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) in all seven assembly segments, was one of the focal points of the Lok Sabha polls in 2024. It is here that a political fiasco unfolded in Sandeshkhali over the alleged lawlessness of a TMC strongman and his coterie.
Another prominent figure expected to pay a visit is Jagadguru Ramanandacharya Swami Rambhadracharya (Giridhar Mishra), a blind religious leader known for his involvement in the Ram Janmabhoomi legal battle. The symbolic significance of these visits, especially to communally-sensitive constituencies, is hard to ignore.
Also slated to participate is Kartik Maharaj, or Swami Pradeeptananda of the Bharat Sevashram Sangh, a spiritual body seen as associated with the broader Hindutva fold. His antagonism with chief minister Mamata Banerjee and the TMC is known. Kartik Maharaj was recently conferred with the Padma Shri.
While BJP leaders are tightlipped about the scale and intent of the campaign, sources in the RSS and its affiliates, including the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), have confirmed that extensive preparations are underway. These events will apparently be called ‘Hindu Jagaran Utsav’; their size will vary in scale—from small local gatherings to grand congregations—all purportedly aimed at mobilising religious sentiment in Bengal, where identity politics has deepened over the years with far-reaching consequences.
A particularly telling remark came from Amiya Sarkar, the east zone secretary of the VHP. “After the Murshidabad incident (Waqf law protests), Hindus are trying to consolidate,” asserted Sarkar. While he claimed that the VHP was not directly organising the events, he confirmed that several Hindu religious leaders were in touch with the organisation. “The Naga sadhus from north Bengal are already in touch with us. They want our support for a religious event,” he added.
Murshidabad district, with a significant Muslim population, has seen sporadic violence and politically-charged narratives that threaten its legacy of coexistence. In this context, the timing of such mass-scale Hindu religious events isn’t seen by all as purely devotional.
Biplab Roy, prachar pramukh (publicity head) of the RSS’s south Bengal chapter, confirmed that the Sangh’s centenary celebrations would begin in Bengal from Mahalaya in September, diverging from the rest of the country where these are scheduled to start from Vijaya Dashami, the traditional founding day of the RSS back in 1925. “Such events are going to be organised across India,” said Roy. “But in Bengal, celebrations for our centenary will begin from Mahalaya.”
While such religious congregations are presented as cultural revivals or spiritual awakenings, the context in Bengal paints a different picture. The state finds itself increasingly embattled by the overt communal binaries seen in parts of northern India, with the growing frequency of communal flashpoints shifting the ground.
What makes the RSS centenary celebrations particularly potent in Bengal is the undercurrent of Hindu mobilisation in the run-up to the assembly elections in 2026. With the BJP trying to expand its footprint beyond traditional strongholds and the TMC—notwithstanding its superlative showing in the assembly elections in 2021 and the parliamentary polls last year—battling anti-incumbency alongside accusations of minority appeasement, the stage is ripe for identity-driven politics.
Critics argue that the RSS and its affiliates are not merely celebrating a centenary but orchestrating a psychological campaign aimed at “awakening” the Hindu vote-bank. This approach, carefully calibrated through religious events, godmen’s sermons and spiritual symbolism, allows the BJP-RSS to work around constitutional restrictions on religious campaigning while still nudging the communal needle, they say. As an independent political watcher, who wished not to be named, put it: “Under the pretext of the RSS centenary celebrations, Hindutva would be pitched as the primary plank for the polls next year. It is all evident.”
While such events may be occurring across India, the implications in Bengal are uniquely charged. Here, electoral gains depend not only on consolidating Hindu voters but also on fragmenting the Opposition’s secular plank. Religious events, when deployed as instruments of political engineering, blur the lines between devotion and division.
As Bengal enters yet another cycle of high-stakes politics, the real test will be whether civil society, Opposition parties and secular institutions can resist this tide of religious instrumentalism, or whether the stage is being set for a new era of competitive communalism cloaked in saffron robes.
